Different Shades of Satanism

Whenever I meet someone who finds out I am a Satanist, they think "oh, this person is up to no good", or "he probably just hates Christianity". Let me get this straight. There are Atheist

Tuesday, 26 May 2015 21:44 GFP Columnist - G. Tod Slone
Today, criticism of Islam is at the vanguard of the fight for free speech, since it is susceptible to attack and intimidation by jihadists and calls for self-censorship by the politically correct. Geller refers to her meeting as a free-speech event while her critics prefer to call it an anti-Islam event. They are really one and the same. - Rich Lowry, editor, National Review.

The New York Times editorial board, comprised of 19 journalists, published a paltry attempt to circumvent the reality of free speech.  Its “Free Speech vs. Hate Speech” essay addressed the Garland, TX draw Muhammad cartoon event.  How did 19 journalists actually agree to publish such an egregious example of what Salman Rushdie called the “but brigade.” 

So, what is the “but brigade”?  Rushdie provides a few examples to illlustrate the phenomenon:  “I believe in free speech, but people should behave themselves.” “I believe in free speech, but we shouldn’t upset anybody.” “I believe in free speech, but let’s not go too far.”  Get it?  Hopefully, you do.  In essence, the “but” indicates that the person(s) using it do not really believe in free speech at all.  They believe in limited speech that does not offend; that is, speech that clearly does not need legal protection.

Those New York Times editorial journalists stipulated up front the usual superficial support for free speech typically given by “but brigade” members:  “There is no question that images ridiculing religion, however offensive they may be to believers, qualify as protected free speech in the United States and most Western democracies.”   Then in typical “but brigade” fashion, the 19 journalists attacked and disparaged those who exercized their right to free speech and were almost massacred for doing so.  They argued the Garland event “was not really about free speech,” but “was an exercise in bigotry and hatred posing as a blow for freedom.” 
Monday, 25 May 2015 15:42 David Moore Editorial Dept - Africa
In the past weeks a few South Africans – possibly inspired by an artificially resuscitated Zulu ‘king’ who mused that it might be a good idea for foreigners to go home to till their fields – murdered seven migrants, pillaged hundreds more and scared thousands into temporary refuge camps. The vast majority of their compatriots responded in shock and sympathy with the victims. Most South African interpreters of this carnage repeated a tendency typical to that corner of the planet: exceptionalism. It might be helpful to challenge this patriotic particularism with wider global and deeper historical comparisons.

Even whilst nearly 1,000 other Africans seeking refuge from zones of war and economic devastation were drowning in the Mediterranean, South African discourse about its latest round of xenophobia remained provincial. As in the past, South Africa's intellectuals focused on the ‘special types’ of this country's interactions with a long history of global transformations. From the South Africa Communist Party's (SACP) “Colonialism of a Special Type” (CST) to invocations for ‘national democratic societies’ (down a few notches from NDRs, but on a distinct detour to socialism's road nonetheless), South Africans tend to think they're unique.

South Africa's BRICS Status

Assuredly, South Africa's brutal historical integration into the capitalist world took on its own colours, thus its xenophobia hinges on the collective psychosis of race and ‘Afrophobia’. But was this incorporation qualitatively different from how capital's empire embraced the globe? South Africa's BRICS status – one-third centre/two-thirds periphery of the world system – means we should not be surprised when many across its porous borders want to get in.

Wednesday, 13 May 2015 21:11 GFP Columnist - Alan Caruba
We are told we need to feel sympathy for the Cuban people who have suffered from a U.S. embargo and lack of diplomatic recognition. That ignores a long history of oppression in Cuba no matter who was in charge.

Prior to Fidel Castro, Cubans were in the grip of Flugencio Batista who overthrew the existing government in September 1933 and then dominated Cuban politics for the next 25 years until Castro’s revolutionary movement took control of the capitol in January 1959.

Fifty-six years ago in 1959, I was about to graduate from the University of Miami and among my friends were young Cubans sent there to get a degree. I have often wondered which among them returned to Cuba and which, like those who could afford it, were joined by their family who fled Cuba.

The U.S. had been involved with Cuba from the end of the Spanish-American War in 1898 when Spain ceded Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and Guam for $20 million. We stayed in Cuba until it was granted independence in 1902 as the Republic of Cuba. Its first president faced an armed revolt in 1906 so we returned to briefly occupy Cuba to restore some stability, but they never really got the hand of being a democratic self-governing nation.

Wednesday, 13 May 2015 20:47 GFP Columnist - Dave Huntwork
The concept that the whims of public opinion, the fads of the moment, or the opinions of an ideological opponent should fundamentally alter what a particular political party stands for has always seemed rather odd to me. It is an argument I see trotted out in articles from Left leaning sites on a regular basis. The argument is always, without fail, that the Republican Party needs to become more like the Democratic Party. Yet the reverse is never suggested for consideration. Great "concern" is showed time and time again by often very radical and liberal writers, as well as general media types, that the Republican Party will fade away into oblivion and cease to be relevant if it doesn't reject the "extremist" factions and beliefs that it currently contains.

As if they really care.

A healthy and robust representative government has political parties that represent different views and positions in that society, not ones that are merely pale shadows of one another. Now it would be nicer if we weren't constricted by the two-party system and had more ideologically pure and clear parties to choose from, but in reality we do not. So the two political parties we do have should, in general, reflect different views and positions so that people have an actual choice between differing political philosophies when they go to polls.

If I was interested in voting for political candidates that are for bigger government, the redefinition of marriage, higher taxes, abortion on demand, a decadent popular culture, socialized medicine, gun control, amnesty and open borders I'd vote Democratic. I'm not, so I vote for the most conservative Republican candidate that I have the opportunity to do so.

Tuesday, 12 May 2015 15:25 GFP Columnist - R.L. Francis
On expected lines, there was once again a hue and cry when unidentified persons allegedly vandalised a church and damaged the statues of baby Jesus and Mother Mary in the Agra Cantonment area earlier this week. The uproar comes close on the heels of the hullabaloo raised by sections of the intelligentsia and media over a letter written by Justice Kurien Joseph, a Supreme Court judge, protesting against the holding of a conference of High Court judges on Good Friday, citing it as yet another instance of “persecution” of the Christian community in the country.

The Chief Justice of India responded to Justice Joseph’s protest saying the question is whether it is institutional interest or individual interest that one should give preference to. “In my view, it is the institutional interest”, he added. But what the aforementioned intelligentsia and media completely and conveniently overlooked was responses of equally eminent Christian intellectuals including former Supreme Court judges who totally disagreed with Justice Kurien’s uncalled for reaction.

For instances, the widely respected Justice K T Thomas, who had presided over the Rajiv Gandhi assassination trial in the apex court, in a recent newspaper interview recalled that a similar conference of Chief Justices was held in 2007 as well on Good Friday but “nobody even bothered”.

Monday, 04 May 2015 00:00 Editorial Cartoonist - Michael Pohrer

Friday, 01 May 2015 13:29 GFP Columnist - Joseph M. Cachia
Does this phrase "No Justice, No Peace" sound revolutionary to you?  Do you take it as a ‘threat’?  If you do you are totally right, as consequently you are, perhaps unknowingly, acknowledging the pressure of the enormous global injustices prevailing in today’s world.  However, it may not be so much a threat as much as it is a cry of the heart. It is not simply a call to protest, but also a naming of the powers and what those powers have done and are still doing.

As Jimmy Cliff sang:

How is there going to be peace?
When there is no justice, oh no, oh
Someone is taking my share
And they just don't give a damn, no they don't care

Furthermore, this slogan can be equally applied to the rising voice as well as to the listener, to whom it could well be a warning.

Notwithstanding, the greatest injustice, presently prevailing in most European countries and strongly promoted by the European Union, is the privatisation of most public and government services.  When services are privatised, injustice flows freely.  Private corporations frame services in business terms, placing economic outcomes over social objectives, preventing prioritisation of the poor and vulnerable.


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